General Grant was transferred
to Chattanooga, where, in November, with the troops of Thomas, Hooker. and Sherman,
he won the important victory of Missionary Ridge; and then, being appointed
lieutenant-general and general-in-chief of the armies of the United States, he
went to Washington and entered upon the memorable campaign of 1864. This
campaign began with revived hopes on the part of the government, the people, and
the army. The president, glad that the army had now at its head a general in
whose ability and enterprise he could thoroughly confide, ceased from that
moment to exercise any active influence on its movements. He wrote, on 30 April,
to General Grant: "The particulars of your plans I neither
know nor seek to know. You are vigilant and self-reliant, and, pleased with
this, I wish not to obtrude any constraints or restraints upon you. . . . If
there is anything wanting which is in my power to give, do not fail to let me
know it. And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain you."
Grant
crossed the Rapidan on 4 May, intending to move by the right flank of General
Lee; but the two armies came together in a gloomy forest called the Wilderness,
where, from the 5th to the 7th of May, one of the most sanguinary battles known
to modern warfare was fought. Neither side having gained any decisive advantage
in this deadly struggle, Grant moved to the left, and Lee met, him again at
Spottsylvania Court House, where for ten days a series of destructive contests
took place, in which both sides were alternately successful. Still moving to the
left, Grant again encountered the enemy at the crossing of North Anna river, and
still later at Cold Harbor, a
few miles northeast of Richmond, where, assaulting General
Lee's army in a fortified position, he met with a bloody repulse. He then
crossed the James river, intending by a rapid movement to seize Petersburg
and the Confederate
lines of communication south of Richmond, but was baffled in this purpose, and
forced to enter upon a regular siege of Petersburg, which occupied the summer
and autumn. While these operations were in progress, General
Philip H. Sheridan had made
one of the most brilliant cavalry raids in the war, threatening Richmond and
defeating the Confederate cavalry under General J. E. B. Stuart,
and killing that. famous leader. While Grant lay before Richmond, General
Lee, hoping to induce him to attack his works, dispatched a force under General
Early to threaten Washington; but Grant sent two corps of his army
northward, and Early--after a sharp skirmish under the fortifications of
Washington, where Mr. Lincoln was personally present--was driven back through
the Shenandoah valley, and on two occasions, in September and October, was
signally defeated by General Sheridan.
General William T. Sherman,
who had been left in command of the western district formerly commanded by
Grant, moved southward at the same time that Grant crossed the Rapidan. General
Joseph E. Johnston, one of the ablest of the Confederate generals, retired
gradually before him, defending himself at every halt with the greatest skill
and address; but his movements not proving satisfactory to the Richmond
government, he was removed, and General John
B. Hoodappointed in his place.
After a summer of hard fighting, Sherman, on 1 Sept., captured Atlanta, one of
the chief manufacturing and railroad centers of the south, and later in the
autumn organized and executed a magnificent march to the seaboard, which proved
that the military power of the Confederacy had been concentrated at a few points
on the frontier, and that the interior was little-more than an empty shell. He
reached the sea-coast early in December, investing Savannah on the 10th, and
capturing the city on the 21st. He then marched northward with the intention of
assisting General Grant in the
closing scenes of the war. The army under General George H. Thomas, who had been left in Tennessee to hold
Hood in check while this movement was going on, after severely handling the
Confederates in the preliminary battle of Franklin, 30 Nov., inflicted upon Hood
a crushing and final defeat in the battle of Nashville, 16 Dec., routing and
driving him from the state.
During
the summer, while Grant was engaged in the desperate and indecisive series of
battles that marked his southward progress in Virginia, and Sherman had not yet
set out upon his march to the sea, one of the most ardent political canvasses
the country had ever seen was in progress at the north. Mr. Lincoln, on 8 June,
had been unanimously re-nominated for the presidency by the Republican
convention at Baltimore. The Democratic leaders had postponed their convention
to a date unusually late, in the hope that some advantage might be reaped from
the events of the summer. The convention came together on 29 Aug. in Chicago.
Mr. Vallandigham, who had returned from his banishment, and whom the government
had sagaciously declined to re-arrest, led the extreme peace party in the
convention. Prominent politicians of New York were present in the interest of General
McClellan. Both sections of the convention gained their point. General
McClellan was nominated for the presidency, and Mr. Vallandigham succeeded in
imposing upon his party a platform declaring that the war had been a failure,
and demanding a cessation of hostilities. The capture of Atlanta on the day the
convention adjourned seemed to the Unionists a providential answer to the
opposition. Republicans, who had been somewhat disheartened by the slow progress
of military events and by the open and energetic agitation that the peace party
had continued through the summer at the north, now took heart again, and the
canvass proceeded with the greatest spirit to the close. Sheridan's victory over
Early in the Shenandoah valley gave an added impulse to the general enthusiasm,
and in the October elections it was shown that the name of Mr. Lincoln was more
popular, and his influence more powerful, than any one had anticipated. In the
election that took place on 8 Nov., 1864, he received 2,216,000 votes, and General McClellan 1,800,000. The difference in the electoral vote
was still greater, Mr. Lincoln being supported by 212 of the presidential
electors, while only 21 voted for McClellan.
President
Lincoln's second inaugural address, delivered on 4 March, 1865, will forever
remain not only one of the most remarkable of all his public utterances, but
will also hold a high rank among the greatest state papers that history has
preserved. As he neared the end of his career, and saw plainly outlined before
him the dimensions of the vast moral and material success that the nation was
about to achieve, his thoughts, always predisposed to an earnest and serious
view of life, assumed a fervor and exaltation like that of the ancient seers and
prophets. The speech that he delivered to the vast concourse at the eastern
front of the capitol is the briefest of all the presidential addresses in our
annals; but it has not its equal in lofty eloquence and austere morality. The
usual historical view of the situation, the ordinary presentment of the
intentions of the government, seemed matters too trivial to engage the concern
of a mind standing, as Lincoln's apparently did at this moment, face to face
with the most tremendous problems of fate and moral responsibility. In the
briefest words he announced what had been the cause of the war, and how the
government had hoped to bring it to an earlier close. With passionless candor he
admitted that neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration
it had attained. "Each looked for an easier triumph and a result less
fundamental and astounding "; and, passing into a strain of rhapsody,
which no lesser mind and character could ever dare to imitate, He said : "Both
the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes his aid against the
other. It may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a just God's
assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces. But let
us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be
answered; that of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own
purposes. 'Woe unto the world because of offences’ for
it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence
cometh.' If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of those offences,
which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued
through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both
north and south this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence
came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which
the believers m a living God always ascribe to Him?Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war
may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth
piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be
sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another
drawn with the sword, as was-said three thousand years ago, so still it must be
said, 'The judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' With malice
toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, asGod
gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to
bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle,
and for his widow and his orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just
and a lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations."
Through
them with the Confederate authorities, Mr. Lincoln dispatched him to Niagara
Falls, and sent an open letter addressed, "To whom it may concern"
(see illustration). It is in the possession of Mr. William H. Appleton, of New
York, and now appears in facsimile for the first time. This document put an end
to the negotiation. The Confederate emissaries in Canada, and their principals
in Richmond, made no use of this incident except to employ the president's
letter as a text for denunciation of the National government. But later in the
year, the hopelessness of the struggle having become apparent to some of the
Confederate leaders, Mr. Davis was at last induced to send an embassy to
Fortress Monroe, to inquire what terms of adjustment were possible. They were
met by President Lincoln and the secretary of state in person.
The
triumphant election of Mr. Lincoln, no less than the steady progress of the
National armies, convinced some of the more intelligent of the southern leaders
that their cause was hopeless, and that it would be prudent to ascertain what
terms of peace could be made before the utter destruction of their military
power. There had been already several futile attempts at opening negotiations;
but they had all failed of necessity, because neither side was willing even to
consider the only terms that the other side would offer. There had never been a
moment when Mr. Lincoln would have been willing to receive propositions of peace
on any other basis than the recognition of the national integrity, and Mr. Davis
steadfastly refused to the end to admit the possibility of the restoration of
the national authority.
In
July, certain unauthorized persons in Canada, having persuaded Horace Greeley
those negotiations might be opened.The
plan proposed was one that had been suggested, on his own responsibility by Mr. Francis
Preston Blair, of Washington, in an interview he had been permitted to hold
with Mr. Davis in Richmond, that the two armies should unite in a campaign
against the French in Mexico for the enforcement of the Monroe
Doctrine, and that the issues of the war should be postponed for future
settlement. The president declined peremptorily to entertain this scheme, and
repeated again the only conditions to which he could listen: The restoration of
the national authority throughout all the states, the maintenance and execution
of all the acts of the general government in regard to slavery, the cessation of
hostilities, and the disbanding of the insurgent forces as a necessary
prerequisite to the ending of the war. The Confederate agents reported at
Richmond the failure of their embassy, and Mr. Davis denounced the conduct of
President Lincoln in a public address full of desperate defiance. Nevertheless,
it was evident even to the most prejudiced observers that the war could not
continue much longer. Sherman's march had demonstrated tile essential weakness
of the Confederate cause; the soldiers of the Confederacy who for four years,
with the most stubborn gallantry, had maintained a losing fight--began to show
signs of dangerous discouragement and insubordination; recruiting had ceased
some time before, and desertion was going on rapidly.
The
army of General Lee, which was
tile last bulwark of the Confederacy, still held its lines stoutly against the
gradually enveloping lines of Grant; but their valiant commander knew it was
only a question of how many days he could hold his works, and repeatedly
counseled the government at Richmond to evacuate that city, and allow the army
to take up a more tenable position in the mountains. General
Grant's only anxiety each morning was lest he should find the army of General
Lee moving away from him, and late in March he determined to strike the
final blow at the rebellion. Moving for the last time by the left flank, his
forces under Sheridan fought and gained a brilliant victory over the Confederate
left at Five Forks, and at the same time Generals Humphreys, Wright, and Parke
moved against the Confederate works, breaking their lines and capturing many
prisoners and guns. Petersburg was evacuated on 2 April. The Confederate
government fled from Richmond the same afternoon and evening, and Grant,
pursuing the broken and shattered remnant of Lee's army, received their
surrender at Appomattox
Court-House on 9 April. About 28,000 Confederates signed the parole, and an
equal number had been killed, captured, and dispersed in the operations
immediately preceding the surrender. General Sherman, a few days afterward,
received the surrender of Johnston, and the last Confederate army, under General
Kirby Smith, west of the Mississippi, laid down its arms.
President
Lincoln had himself accompanied the army in its last triumphant campaign, and
had entered Richmond immediately after its surrender, receiving the cheers and
benedictions, not only of the Negroes whom he had set free, but of a great
number of white people, who were Weary of the war, and welcomed the advent of
peace. Returning to Washington with his mind filled with plans for the
restoration of peace and orderly government throughout the south, he seized the
occasion of a serenade, on 11 April, to deliver to the people who gathered in
front of the executive mansion his last speech on public affairs, in which he
discussed with unusual dignity and force the problems of reconstruction, then
crowding upon public consideration. As his second inaugural was the greatest of
all his rhetorical compositions, so this brief political address, which closed
his public career, is unsurpassed among his speeches for clearness and wisdom,
and for a certain tone of gentle but unmistakable authority, which shows to what
a mastery of statecraft he had attained. He congratulated the country upon the
decisive victories of the last week; he expressly asserted that, although he had
been present in the final operations, "no part of the honor, for plan or
execution, was his" and then, with equal boldness and discretion,
announced the principles in accordance with which he should deal with the
restoration of the states. He refused to be provoked into controversy, which he
held would be purely academic, over the question whether the insurrectionary
states were in or out of the Union. "As appears to me," he said,
"that question has not been,
nor yet is, a
practically material one, and any discussion of it, while it thus remains
practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the mischievous one of
dividing our friends. As yet, whatever it may hereafter become, that question is
bad, as the basis of a controversy, and good for nothing at all--a merely
pernicious abstraction. We all agree that the seceded states, so-called, are out
of their proper practical relation with the Union,and that the sole object of the government, civil and military, in regard to
those states, is to again get them into that proper practical relation. I
believe it is not only possible, but in fact easier, to do this without
deciding, or even considering, whether these states have ever been out of the
Union than with it. Finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly
immaterial whether they had ever been abroad. Let us all join in doing the acts
necessary to restoring the proper practical relations between these states and
the Union, and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether in
doing the acts he brought the states from without into the Union, or only gave
them proper assistance, they never having been out of it."
In this
temper he discussed the recent action of the Unionists of Louisiana. where
12,000 voters had sworn allegiance, giving his full approval to their course,
but not committing himself to any similar method in other cases; "any
exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement .... if we
reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We, in
effect, say to the white men,' You are worthless or worse, we will neither help
you, nor be helped by you.' To the blacks we say,' This cup of liberty which
these, your old masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from you and leave you
to the chances of gathering tile spilled and scattered contents in some vague
and undefined when, where, and how.' . . . If, on the contrary, we sustain the
new government of Louisiana, the converse is made true. Concede that it is only
to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by
hatching the egg than by smashing it."
These words
were the last he uttered in public; on 14 April, at a cabinet meeting, he
developed these views in detail, and found no difference of opinion among his
advisers. The same evening he attended a performance of "Our American
Cousin" at Ford's Theatre,
in Tenth Street. He was accompanied by Mrs. Lincoln and two friends --Miss
Harris, a daughter of Senator Ira Harris, of New York, and Maj. Henry R.
Rathbone. In the midst of the play a shot was heard, and a man
was seen to leap from the president's box to the stage. Brandishing a dripping
knife, with which, after shooting the president, he had stabbed Maj. Rathbone,
and shouting, "Sic semper tyrannis!--the south is avenged!" he
rushed to the rear of the building, leaped upon a horse, which was held there in
readiness for him, and made his escape. The president was carried to a small
house on the opposite side of the street, where, surrounded by his family and
the principal officers of the government, he breathed his last at 7 o'clock on
the morning of 15 April. The assassin was found by a squadron of troops twelve
days afterward, and shot in a barn in which he had taken refuge. The
illustration on page 722 represents the house where Mr. Lincoln passed away.
The body of the president lay in state at the
Capitol on 20 April and was viewed by a great concourse of people; the next day
the funeral train set out for Springfield, Ill. The cortege halted at all the
principal cities on the way, and the remains of the president lay in state in
Baltimore, Harrisburg, Philadelphia, New York, Albany, Buffalo, Cleveland, and
Chicago, being received everywhere with extraordinary demonstrations of respect
and sorrow. The joy over tile return of peace was for a fortnight eclipsed by
tile universal grief for the dead leader. He was buried, amid the mourning of
the whole nation, at Oak Ridge, near Springfield, on 4 May, and there on 15
Oct., 1874, an imposing monument--the work of the sculptor Larkin G. Mead--was
dedicated to his memory. The monument is of white marble, with a portrait-statue
of Lincoln in bronze, and four bronze groups at the corners, representing the
infantry, cavalry, and artillery arms of the service and the navy. (click
here for illustration.)
The death of President Lincoln, in
the moment of the great national victory that he had done more than any other to
gain, caused a movement of sympathy throughout the world. The expressions of
grief and condolence that were sent to the government at Washington, from
national, provincial, and municipal bodies all over the globe, were afterward
published by the state department in a quarto volume of nearly a thousand pages,
called "The Tribute of the Nations to Abraham Lincoln." After
the lapse of twenty years, the high estimate of him that the world appears
instinctively to have formed at the moment of his death seems to have been
increased rather than diminished, as his participation in the great events of
his time has been more thoroughly studied and understood. His goodness of heart,
his abounding charity, his quick wit and overflowing humor, which made him the
hero of many true stories and a thousand legends, are not less valued in
themselves; but they are east in the shade by the evidences that continually
appear of his extraordinary qualities of mind and of character, his powerful
grasp of details, his analytic capacity, his unerring logic, his perception of
human nature, would have made him unusual in any age of the world, while the
quality that, in the opinion of many, made him the specially fitted agent of
Providence in the salvation of the country, his absolute freedom from prejudice
or passion in weighing the motives of his contemporaries and the deepest
problems of state gives him pre-eminence even among the illustrious men that
have preceded and followed him in his great office. Simple and modest as he was
in his demeanor, he was one of the most self-respecting of rulers. Although his
kindness of heart was proverbial, although he was always glad to please and
unwilling" to offend, few presidents have been more sensible of the dignity
of their office, and more prompt to maintain it against encroachments.
He was
at all times unquestionably the head of the government, and, though not inclined
to interfere with the routine business of the departments, he tolerated no
insubordination in important matters. At one time, being conscious that there
was an effort inside of his government to force the resignation of one of its
members, he read in open cabinet a severe reprimand of what was going on,
mentioning no names, and ordering peremptorily that no questions should be
asked, and no allegations be made to the incident, then or thereafter. He did
not except his most trusted friends or his most powerful generals from this
strict subordination. When Mr. Seward went before him to meet the Confederate
envoys at Hampton Roads, Mr. Lincoln gave him this written injunction:
"You will not assume to definitely consummate anything"; and, on 3
March, 1865, when General Grant
was about to set out on his campaign of final victory, the secretary of war gave
him, by tile president's order, this imperative instruction: "The
president directs me to say to you that he wishes you to have no conference with
General Lee, unless it be for the
capitulation of General Lee's
army, or on some other minor and purely military matter. He instructs me to say
that you are not to decide, discuss, or to confer upon any political question.
Such questions the president holds in his own hands,and will submit them
to no military conferences or conventions. mean-while, you are to press to the
utmost your military advantages." When he refused to comply with the
desire of the more radical Republicans in congress to take Draconian measures of
retaliation against the Confederates for their treatment of black soldiers, he
was accused by them of weakness and languor. They never seemed to perceive that
to withstand an angry congress in Washington required more vigor of character
than to launch a threatening decree against the Confederate government in
Richmond. Mr. Lincoln was as unusual in personal appearance as in character. Hs
stature was almost gigantic, six feet and four inches; he was muscular but spare
of frame, weighing about 180 pounds. His hair was strong and luxuriant in
growth, and stood out straight, from his head; it began to be touched with gray
in his last years, his eyes, a grayish brown, were deeply set, and were filled,
in repose, with an expression of profound melancholy, which easily changed to
one of uproarious mirth at the provocation of a humorous anecdote, told by
himself or another. His nose was long and slightly curved, his mouth large and
singularly mobile. Up to the time of his election he was clean-shaven, but.
during his presidency the fine outline of his face was marred by a thin and
straggling beard. His demeanor was, in general, extremely simple and careless,
but he was not without a native dignity that always protected him from anything
like presumption or impertinence.
Mr.
Lincoln married, on 4 Nov., 18.42, Miss Mary
Todd, daughter of Robert S. Todd, of Kentucky. There were born of this
marriage four sons. One, Edward Baker, died in infancy; another, William
Wallace, died at the age of twelve, during the presidency of Mr. Lincoln; and
still another, Thomas, at the age of eighteen, several years after his father's
death. The only one that grew to maturity was his eldest son, Robert. The house
in which Mr. Lincoln lived when he was elected president. in Springfield, Ill.,
was conveyed to the state of Illinois in 1887 by his son, and a collection of
memorials of him is to be preserved there perpetually. (See
illustration on page 717.)
There were few portraits of Mr. Lincoln painted in his lifetime; the vast number
of engravings that have made his face one of the most familiar of all time have
been mostly copied from photographs. The one on page 715 is from a photograph
taken in 1858. There are portraits from life by Frank B. Carpenter, by Matthew
Wilson, by Thomas Hicks, and an excellent crayon drawing by Barry. Since his
death G. P. A. Healy, William Page, and others have painted portraits of him.
There are two authentic life-masks: one made in 1858 by Leonard W. Volk, who
also executed a bust of Mr. Lincoln before his election in 1860, and another by
Clark Mills shortly before the assassination. There are already a number of
statues: one by Henry Kirke Brown in Union square, New York (click
here); another by the same artist in Brooklyn; one in the group called "Emancipation,"
by Thomas Ball, in Lincoln Park, Washington, D. C., a work which has especial
interest as having been paid for by the contributions of the freed people; one
by Mrs. Vinnie Ream Hoxie in the Capitol; one by Augustus St. Gaudens in
Chicago, set up in Chicago, 22 Oct., 1887; and one by Randolph Rogers in
Fairmount Park, Philadelphia (to see illustration click
here). There is a bust by Thomas D. Jones, modeled from life in 1860.
The Lincoln bibliography is enormous, comprising thousands of volumes. See John
Russell Bartlett's "Catalogue of Books and Pamphlets relating to the
Civil War in the United States" (Boston, 1866). The most noteworthy of
the lives of Lincoln already published are those of Joseph H. Barrett
(Cincinnati, 1865); Henry J. Raymond (New York, 1865); Josiah G. Holland
(Springfield, Mass., 1866) ; Ward H. Lamon (only the first volume, Boston,
1872); William O. Stoddard (New York, 1884) ; and Isaac N. Arnold (Chicago,
1885). Briefer lives have also been written by Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stow< Mr.
D. W. Bartlett, Charles G. Leland, John Carroll Power, and others. The most
extensive work upon his life and times yet attempted is now (1887) in process of
serial publication in the "Century" magazine, by his private
secretaries, John G. Nicolay and John Hay; and the same writers are engaged in
the preparation of a complete edition of all his writings, speeches, and
letters. --His wife, Mary Todd, b. in Lexington, Ky., 12 Dec., 1818 ; d. in
Springfield, Ill., 16 July, 1882, was the daughter of Robert S. Todd, whose
family were among the most influential of the pioneers of Kentucky and Illinois.
Her great-uncle, John Todd, was one of the associates of General
George Rogers Clark, in his campaign of 1778, and took part in the
capture of Kaskaskia and Vincennes. Being appointed county lieutenant by Patrick
Henry, at that time governor of Virginia, he organized the civil government
of what became afterward the state of Illinois. He was killed in the battle of
Blue Licks, 18 Aug., 1782, of which his brother Levi, Mrs. Lincoln's
grandfather, who also accompanied Clark's
expedition as a lieutenant, was one of the few survivors.
Mary
Todd was carefully educated in Lexington. When twenty-one years of age she went
to Springfield to visit her sister, who had married Ninian W. Edwards, a son of
Ninian Edwards, governor of the state. While there she became engaged to Mr.
Lincoln, whom she married, 4 Nov., 1842. Her family was divided by the civil war
"several of them were killed in battle" and, devoted as Mrs.
Lincoln was to her husband and the National cause, this division among her
nearest kindred caused her much suffering. The death of her son, William
Wallace, in 1862, was an enduring sorrow to her. One of her principal
occupations was visiting the hospitals and camps of the soldiers about
Washington. She never recovered from the shock of seeing her husband shot down
before her eyes her youngest son, Thomas, died a few years later, and her reason
suffered from these repeated blows. She lived in strict retirement during her
later years, spending part of her time with her son in Chicago, a part in
Europe, and the rest with her sister, Mrs. Edwards, in Springfield, where she
died of paralysis.—
Current
Order of Presidential Succession
The Vice President
Speaker of the House
President pro tempore of the Senate
Secretary of State
Secretary of the Treasury
Secretary of Defense
Attorney General
Secretary of the Interior
Secretary of Agriculture
Secretary of Commerce
Secretary of Labor
Secretary of Health and Human Services
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development
Secretary of Transportation
Secretary of Energy
Secretary of Education
Secretary of Veterans Affairs
Research
Links
Virtualology is
not affiliated with the authors of these links nor responsible for its content.
Franklin
D. Roosevelt Library and Museum - Repository of the records of President
Franklin Roosevelt and his wife Eleanor Roosevelt, managed by the National
Archives and Records Administration.
Dwight
D. Eisenhower Presidential Library - preserves and makes available for
research the papers, audiovisual materials, and memorabilia of Dwight and Mamie
D. Eisenhower
Unauthorized Site:
This site and its contents are not affiliated, connected,
associated with or authorized by the individual, family,
friends, or trademarked entities utilizing any part or
the subject's entire name. Any official or affiliated
sites that are related to this subject will be hyper
linked below upon submission
and Evisum, Inc. review.
