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Federalist Papers

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THE FEDERALIST PAPERS


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The original text of the Federalist Papers (also known as The Federalist) was obtained from the e-text archives of Project Gutenberg. View or download the entire plain text version of all of the Federalist Papers as supplied by Project Gutenberg. Information and Disclaimer for the Gutenberg version of The Federalist.

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No. Title Author Publication Date
1. General Introduction Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
2. Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence Jay For the Independent Journal - -
3. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence
Jay For the Independent Journal - -
4. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence
Jay For the Independent Journal - -
5. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence
Jay For the Independent Journal - -
6. Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
7. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States
Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
8. The Consequences of Hostilities Between the States Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, November 20, 1787
9. The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
10. The Same Subject Continued:
The Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection
Madison From the New York Packet Friday, November 23, 1787
11. The Utility of the Union in Respect to Commercial Relations and a Navy Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
12. The Utility of the Union in Respect to Revenue Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, November 27, 1787
13. Advantage of the Union in Respect to Economy in Government Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
14. Objections to the Proposed Constitution from Extent of Territory Answered Madison From the New York Packet Friday, November 30, 1787
15. The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
16. The Same Subject Continued:
The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, December 4, 1787
17. The Same Subject Continued:
The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
18. The Same Subject Continued:
The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
Hamilton and Madison For the Independent Journal - -
19. The Same Subject Continued:
The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
Hamilton and Madison For the Independent Journal - -
20. The Same Subject Continued:
The Insufficiency of the Present Confederation to Preserve the Union
Hamilton and Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, December 11, 1787
21. Other Defects of the Present Confederation Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
22. The Same Subject Continued:
Other Defects of the Present Confederation
Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, December 14, 1787
23. The Necessity of a Government as Energetic as the One Proposed to the Preservation of the Union Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, December 17, 1787
24. The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
25. The Same Subject Continued:
The Powers Necessary to the Common Defense Further Considered
Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, December 21, 1787
26. The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
27. The Same Subject Continued:
The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered
Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, December 25, 1787
28. The Same Subject Continued:
The Idea of Restraining the Legislative Authority in Regard to the Common Defense Considered
Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
29. Concerning the Militia Hamilton From the Daily Advertiser Thursday, January 10, 1788
30. Concerning the General Power of Taxation Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, December 28, 1787
31. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning the General Power of Taxation
Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, January 1, 1788
32. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning the General Power of Taxation
Hamilton From the Daily Advertiser Thursday, January 3, 1788
33. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning the General Power of Taxation
Hamilton From the Daily Advertiser Thursday, January 3, 1788
34. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning the General Power of Taxation
Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, January 4, 1788
35. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning the General Power of Taxation
Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
36. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning the General Power of Taxation
Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, January 8, 1788
37. Concerning the Difficulties of the Convention in Devising a Proper Form of Government Madison From the Daily Advertiser Friday, January 11, 1788
38. The Same Subject Continued, and the Incoherence of the Objections to the New Plan Exposed Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, January 15, 1788
39. The Conformity of the Plan to Republican Principles Madison For the Independent Journal - -
40. The Powers of the Convention to Form a Mixed Government Examined and Sustained Madison From the New York Packet Friday, January 18, 1788
41. General View of the Powers Conferred by the Constitution Madison For the Independent Journal - -
42. The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further Considered Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, January 22, 1788
43. The Same Subject Continued:
The Powers Conferred by the Constitution Further Considered
Madison For the Independent Journal - -
44. Restrictions on the Authority of the Several States Madison From the New York Packet Friday, January 25, 1788
45. The Alleged Danger From the Powers of the Union to the State Governments Considered Madison For the Independent Journal - -
46. The Influence of the State and Federal Governments Compared Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, January 29, 1788
47. The Particular Structure of the New Government and the Distribution of Power Among Its Different Parts Madison From the New York Packet Friday, February 1, 1788
48. These Departments Should Not Be So Far Separated as to Have No Constitutional Control Over Each Other Madison From the New York Packet Friday, February 1, 1788
49. Method of Guarding Against the Encroachments of Any One Department of Government by Appealing to the People Through a Convention Hamilton or Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, February 5, 1788
50. Periodic Appeals to the People Considered Hamilton or Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, February 5, 1788
51. The Structure of the Government Must Furnish the Proper Checks and Balances Between the Different Departments Hamilton or Madison From the New York Packet Friday, February 8, 1788
52. The House of Representatives Hamilton or Madison From the New York Packet Friday, February 8, 1788
53. The Same Subject Continued:
The House of Representatives
Hamilton or Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, February 12, 1788
54. The Apportionment of Members Among the States Hamilton or Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, February 12, 1788
55. The Total Number of the House of Representatives Hamilton or Madison From the New York Packet Friday, February 15, 1788
56. The Same Subject Continued:
The Total Number of the House of Representatives
Hamilton or Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, February 19, 1788
57. The Alleged Tendency of the Plan to Elevate the Few at the Expense of the Many Considered in Connection with Representation Hamilton or Madison From the New York Packet Tuesday, February 19, 1788
58. Objection that the Number of Members Will Not Be Augmented as the Progress of Population Demands Considered Madison - - - -
59. Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, February 22, 1788
60. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members
Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, February 26, 1788
61. The Same Subject Continued:
Concerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members
Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, February 26, 1788
62. The Senate Hamilton or Madison For the Independent Journal - -
63. The Senate Continued Hamilton or Madison For the Independent Journal - -
64. The Powers of the Senate Jay From the New York Packet Friday, March 7, 1788
65. The Powers of the Senate Continued Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, March 7, 1788
66. Objections to the Power of the Senate To Set as a Court for Impeachments Further Considered Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, March 11, 1788
67. The Executive Department Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, March 11, 1788
68. The Mode of Electing the President Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, March 14, 1788
69. The Real Character of the Executive Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, March 14, 1788
70. The Executive Department Further Considered Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, March 14, 1788
71. The Duration in Office of the Executive Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, March 18, 1788
72. The Same Subject Continued, and Re-Eligibility of the Executive Considered Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, March 21, 1788
73. The Provision for Support of the Executive, and the Veto Power Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, March 21, 1788
74. The Command of the Military and Naval Forces, and the Pardoning Power of the Executive Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, March 25, 1788
75. The Treaty Making Power of the Executive Hamilton For the Independent Journal - -
76. The Appointing Power of the Executive Hamilton From the New York Packet Tuesday, April 1, 1788
77. The Appointing Power Continued and Other Powers of the Executive Considered Hamilton From the New York Packet Friday, April 4, 1788
78. The Judiciary Department Hamilton From McLEAN's Edition, New York - -
79. The Judiciary Continued Hamilton From McLEAN's Edition, New York - -
80. The Powers of the Judiciary Hamilton From McLEAN's Edition, New York - -
81. The Judiciary Continued, and the Distribution of Judicial Authority Hamilton From McLEAN's Edition, New York - -
82. The Judiciary Continued Hamilton From McLEAN's Edition, New York - -
83. The Judiciary Continued in Relation to Trial by Jury Hamilton From McLEAN's Edition, New York - -
84. Certain General and Miscellaneous Objections to the Constitution Considered and Answered Hamilton From McLEAN's Edition, New York - -
85. Concluding Remarks Hamilton From McLEAN's Edition, New York -
he Federalist Papers are a series of 85 articles advocating the ratification of the United States Constitution. Seventy-seven of the essays were published serially in The Independent Journal and The New York Packet between October 1787 and August 1788. A compilation of these and eight others, called The Federalist, was published in 1788 by J. and A. McLean.[1]

 

The writings of Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Jay and Mr. Madison, preserved in The Federalist, written long after the acknowledgment of the independence of the colonies, are full of complaints against the Articles of Confederation, on this score. They are appeals for a change from this condition, and urge upon the people to remedy these defects by adopting the proposed constitution and creating the new citizenship. The Constitution of the United States was proposed September 17, 1787, and the operations of the government began under it March 4, 1789. The Federalist papers were written in that interval, urging the adoption of the Constitution by the States. In the fifteenth paper of The Federalist,9 Mr. Hamilton discusses "the insufficiency of the present confederation to the preservation of the Union," as follows:

"The great and radical vice in the construction of the existing confederation is the principle of legislation for states or governments, in their corporate or collective capacities, and as contradistinguished from the individuals of which they consist. . . . Except as to the rule of appointment, the United States has an indefinite discretion to make requisitions for men and money; but they have no authority to raise either, by regulations extending to the individual citizens of America. The consequence of this is, that although in theory their resolutions concerning those objects are laws, constitutionally binding on the members of the Union, yet in practice they are mere recommendations which the States observe or disregard at their option. . . . If we still adhere to the design of a national government ... we must extend the authority chapter of the Union to the persons of the citizens — the ^ only proper objects of government."

Again, in the twenty-third paper in the same illustrious authority declared: "If we are in earnest about giving the Union energy and duration, we must abandon the vain project of legislating upon the States in their collective capacities; we must extend the laws of the federal government to the individual citizens of America."

The above citations, which are but two of many, are sufficient to demonstrate that under the peculiar organization of the United States, as it was originally formed, the powers or authority of the general government did not extend to individuals, save in a few isolated instances, and that consequently the only real citizenship was that of States. Mr. Hamilton, in both his references to citizens, spoke of them, not as citizens of the United States, but as citizens of America, doubtless adopting that form of expression as more correct in describing the citizens of the States generally.

Until the ratification of the Constitution of the . United States by nine States, it was a nullity. New  Hampshire was the ninth State to ratify. The date of its action was June 21, 1788. Virginia and New York ratified the Constitution a few days later, and before the date fixed for commencing the operations of the government. Thus, for the first time, there was such a thing as citizenship of the United States. That citizenship did not extend to North Carolina until January 28,1790, or to Rhode Island until June for those States delayed their ratifications L until after the operations of the government had begun.

In the United States custom house at New York, one may see a list of the vessels which entered the port of New York during the first year after 'the Constitution of the United States went into effect, and in that list, entered as vessels arriving from "foreign ports," are several ships from Rhode Island.  Thus we see-that, in eleven of the original States, State citizenship antedated Federal citizenship over five years, and in two other States nearly seven years.

Speaking of the interim between the acknowledgment of the independence of the colonies and the continued adoption of the Constitution, John Fiske, in his History of the United States, says "Perhaps the only thing that kept the Union from falling to pieces in 1786 was the Northwestern Territory, which George Rogers Clark had conquered in 1779, and which skilful diplomacy had enabled us to keep when the treaty was drawn in 1782. Virginia claimed this territory and actually held it, but New York, Massachusetts, and Connecticut also had claims upon it. It was the idea of Maryland that such a vast region ought not to be added to any one State, or divided between two or three of the States, but ought to be the common property of the Union. Maryland had refused to ratify the Articles of Confederation until the four States that claimed the Northwestern Territory should yield their claims to the United States. This was done between 1780 and chapter 1786, and thus, for the first time, the United States government was put in possession of valuable property which could be made to yield an income and 'pay debts. This piece of property was about the first thing in which all the American people were alike interested, after they had won their independence. ''

In the light of the above historical facts, it is not Strange that the discussions, prior to the great Civil War, on the question whether paramount allegiance was due to their State, or to their Nation, by the citizens of the States respectively, led to a difference of opinion on that question between citizens.

The United States, as constituted under the Articles of Confederation, having come into possession of the large unsettled Northwestern territory above referred to, by the cession of Great Britain and the subsequent cession of their rights by the several States which laid claim to it, the Continental Congress undertook to pass, in 1787, the famous ordinances laying down certain fundamental laws for the government of that territory, and in States which might thereafter be formed out of that territory. The States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin were subsequently erected and admitted into the Union, and those five embrace what was then known as the Northwest Territory.

Of the action of the Continental Congress in assuming to pass these ordinances, Mr. Madison says in the thirty-seventh paper of The Federalist, that chapter " in proceeding to form new States, to erect temporary governments, to appoint officers for them, and to prescribe the conditions on which such States should be admitted into the confederacy, the Congress acted "without the least color of constitutional authority." The justification for this action stated by him was: "The public interest, the necessity of the case, imposed upon them the task of overleaping their constitutional limits." From this necessity of violating the constitutional authority, he proceeded to argue: "But is not the fact an alarming proof of the danger resulting from a government which does not possess regular powers commensurate to its objects? A dissolution or usurpation is the dreadful dilemma to which it is continually exposed." Whether the Continental Congress did or did not possess power to enact the ordinances of 1787, the necessity that some one should take steps to that end was manifest to every one, and the action of the Continental Congress was not only acquiesced in by all the States, but the ordinance has come down to posterity as one of the wisest charts of government ever framed. This territory had come into the possession of the United States under the following circumstances:

When the treaty of peace was negotiated between territory. England and the United States, the boundary lying between the English possessions and the country whose independence was acknowledged, was fixed as running through the centers of Lakes Ontario, Erie, Huron, and Superior, and thence westward through the Lake of the Woods to the Mississippi, whereby the vast and rich domain lying between the Great Lakes and the Ohio and Mississippi rivers became chapter a part of the country acknowledged as independent. ' Settlers rapidly flocked to that territory, and conditions there called for the organization of some sort of political body for its government. Neither the Federal government, nor the State of Virginia, had been able to discharge their debts to Revolutionary soldiers, and Virginia, before the cession of her territory to the United States, had issued many military land grants in this territory to her soldiers. When the Continental army at Newburg threatened to march upon Philadelphia in the year 1783, because it had not been paid, its violence was allayed by the assurances of General Washington that he would do all in his power to induce the government to make provision for discharging its obligations to the soldiers, in part at least, by military land grants in the Northwest Territory. Pursuant to that pledge, Congress did make large land grants in the Northwest Territory, in that portion now known as Ohio, to Revolutionary soldiers. After the armies were disbanded, large colonies of people from the original States promptly settled in the Ohio territory, under the leadership of Paul Carrington of Virginia, and General Rufus Putnam of Connecticut, and thus it came about that at the time of the passage of this famous ordinance, a considerable and representative body of unorganized people were in occupancy of the Northwest Territory, demanding some form of government and some right of representation.

The ordinance passed by the Continental Congress, pursuant to this urgency, announced certain fundamental articles, which were to rest upon any and all governments formed in the territory, and declared that the obligation to adopt these fundamental principles should be regarded as a compact between the original States and the people and States in said territory, and that, having been adopted, they should forever remain unalterable, unless by common consent.It will be noted, that Congress was so doubtful of its own powers, that it made the compact obligatory, not between the United States and the people of this territory, but between the original States and the people.

It is unnecessary to enumerate at length the fundamental principles laid down for the government of   the Northwest Territory. The Act provided for the erection of the territory into a district; for a law of descents; and for a form of civil government, tinder a governor and secretary appointed by Congress. It gave the people of the territory the right to elect a general assembly by popular election. In prescribing the qualifications of a candidate, and of voters, it required that they should have been citizens of one of the United States for a certain time. It gave the territorial legislature the right to elect a delegate to Congress, who was to possess a seat with the right of debate, but no vote. Without going into further details of this government, it is sufficient to say that it was acceptable to the people and a remarkable spectacle of government. For the United States, which had no citizens of its own, undertook to create and erect a government of citizens, and to prescribe, to the minutest detail, their obligations of citizenship. It is inconceivable that the Continental Congress would have made the qualifications of candidates and voters depend on their citizenship of one of the origin. States, if there had been such a thing at the time as citizenship of the United States. The only reference in the Ordinance of 1787 to "citizens of the United States" is in Article IV. That is manifestly a reference to conditions in future, made with the knowledge that the Constitution was then in process of formation and likely to be adopted, whereby citizens of the United States would come into existence.

Thus we have the second class of American citizenship, to wit, citizenship of the Northwest Territory, both of which classes of citizenship antedated citizenship of the United States.

Citizenship of Me United States.

When the Constitution was ratified by nine of the Ratification of States composing the old confederacy, and not until then, was there an actual and real citizenship of the United States, however much the term may have been theretofore loosely employed. The States ratified the Constitution in the following order:

1. Delaware, December 7,1787;

2. Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787;

3. New Jersey, December 18, 1787;

4. Georgia, January 2,1788;

5. Connecticut, January 9,1788;

6. Massachusetts, February 6, 1788;

7. Maryland, April 28, 1788;

8. South Carolina, May 23, 1788;

9. New Hampshire, June 21,1788.

The Constitution provides, Article VII, that the ratification of the conventions of nine States should be sufficient for the establishment of the Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. The Constitution became an established form of government June 21, 1788, in nine States, and the remaining States, Virginia, New York, North Carolina, and Rhode Island, when they ratified it, came into a government already established. This attitude of Virginia and New York was a technical rather than an actual delay, for Virginia ratified the Constitution June 26, 1788, and New York July 26, 1788, and the operations of the government under the new Constitution did not begin until March 4,1789.  -- A Treatise on American Citizenship, By John Sergeant Wise, United States. Supreme Court, Published by Edward Thompson company, 1906

he Federalist Papers are a series of 85 articles advocating the ratification of the United States Constitution. Seventy-seven of the essays were published serially in The Independent Journal and The New York Packet between October 1787 and August 1788. A compilation of these and eight others, called The Federalist, was published in 1788 by J. and A. McLean.[1]

Federalist Papers

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

An advertisement for The Federalist

The Federalist Papers are a series of 85 articles advocating the ratification of the United States Constitution. Seventy-seven of the essays were published serially in The Independent Journal and The New York Packet between October 1787 and August 1788. A compilation of these and eight others, called The Federalist, was published in 1788 by J. and A. McLean.[1]

The Federalist Papers serve as a primary source for interpretation of the Constitution, as they outline the philosophy and motivation of the proposed system of government.[2] The authors of the Federalist Papers wanted both to influence the vote in favor of ratification and to shape future interpretations of the Constitution. According to historian Richard B. Morris, they are an "incomparable exposition of the Constitution, a classic in political science unsurpassed in both breadth and depth by the product of any later American writer."[3]

The articles were written by:

They appeared under the pseudonym "Publius," in honor of Roman consul Publius Valerius Publicola.[4] Madison is generally credited as the father of the Constitution and became the fourth President of the United States.[5] Hamilton was an active delegate at the Constitutional Convention, and became the first Secretary of the Treasury. John Jay became the first Chief Justice of the United States.

Federalist No. 10, which discusses the means of preventing faction and advocates for a large republic (and warns of the dangers of a democracy), is generally regarded as the most important of the 85 articles from a philosophical perspective.[6] Federalist No. 84 is also notable for its opposition to a Bill of Rights. Federalist No. 78 is another important one, laying down groundwork that would eventually become judicial review. Federalist No. 51 may be the clearest exposition of what has come to be called "Federalism."

 History

Alexander Hamilton, author of the majority of the Federalist Papers

 

 Origins

The states sent the Constitution for ratification in late September 1787. Immediately, the Constitution became the target of numerous articles and public letters written by Anti-Federalists and other opponents of the Constitution. For instance, the important Anti-Federalist authors "Cato" and "Brutus" debuted in New York papers on September 27 and October 18, respectively.[7] Hamilton began the Federalist Papers project as a response to the opponents of ratification, a response that would explain the new Constitution to the residents of New York and persuade them to ratify it. He wrote in Federalist No. 1 that the series would "endeavor to give a satisfactory answer to all the objections which shall have made their appearance, that may seem to have any claim to your attention."[8]

Hamilton recruited collaborators for the project. He enlisted Jay, who fell ill and was unable to contribute much to the series. Madison, present in New York as a delegate to the Congress, was recruited by Hamilton and Jay and became Hamilton's major collaborator. Gouverneur Morris and William Duer were also apparently considered; Morris turned down the invitation and Hamilton rejected three essays written by Duer.[9] Duer later wrote in support of the three Federalist authors under the name "Philo-Publius," or "Friend of Publius."

Hamilton also chose "Publius" as the pseudonym under which the series would be written. While many other pieces representing both sides of the constitutional debate were written under Roman names, Albert Furtwangler contends that "'Publius' was a cut above 'Caesar' or 'Brutus' or even 'Cato.' Publius Valerius was not a late defender of the republic but one of its founders. His more famous name, Publicola, meant 'friend of the people.'"[4] It was not the first time Hamilton had used this pseudonym: in 1778, he had applied it to three letters attacking Samuel Chase.

 

 Publication

The Federalist Papers appeared in three New York newspapers: the Independent Journal, the New-York Packet, and the Daily Advertiser, beginning on October 27, 1787. Between them, Hamilton, Madison and Jay kept up a rapid pace, with at times three or four new essays by Publius appearing in the papers in a week. Garry Wills observes that the pace of production "overwhelmed" any possible response: "Who, given ample time could have answered such a battery of arguments? And no time was given."[10] Hamilton also encouraged the reprinting of the essay in newspapers outside New York state, and indeed they were published in several other states where the ratification debate was taking place. However, they were only irregularly published outside New York, and in other parts of the country they were often overshadowed by local writers.[11]

The high demand for the essays led to their publication in a more permanent form. On January 1, 1788, the New York publishing firm J. & A. McLean announced that they would publish the first thirty-six essays as a bound volume; that volume was released on March 2 and was titled The Federalist. New essays continued to appear in the newspapers; Federalist No. 77 was the last number to first appear in that form, on April 2. A second bound volume containing the last forty-nine essays was released on May 28. The remaining eight papers were later published in the newspapers as well.[12]

A number of later publications are worth noting. A 1792 French edition ended the collective anonymity of Publius, announcing that the work had been written by "MM Hamilton, Maddisson E Gay," citizens of the State of New York. In 1802 George Hopkins published an American edition that similarly named the authors. Hopkins wished as well that "the name of the writer should be prefixed to each number," but at this point Hamilton insisted that this was not to be, and the division of the essays between the three authors remained a secret.[13]

The first publication to divide the papers in such a way was an 1810 edition that used a list provided by Hamilton to associate the authors with their numbers; this edition appeared as two volumes of the compiled "Works of Hamilton." In 1818, Jacob Gideon published a new edition with a new listing of authors, based on a list provided by Madison. The difference between Hamilton's list and Madison's form the basis for a dispute over the authorship of a dozen of the essays.[14]

Both Hopkins's and Gideon's editions incorporated significant edits to the text of the papers themselves, generally with the approval of the authors. In 1863, Henry Dawson published an edition containing the original text of the papers, arguing that they should be preserved as they were written in that particular historical moment, not as edited by the authors years later.[15]

 

 Disputed essays

James Madison, Hamilton's major collaborator, later President of the United States and "Father of the Constitution"

The authorship of seventy-three of the Federalist essays is fairly certain. Twelve of these essays are disputed over by some scholars, though some newer evidence suggests James Madison as the author. The first open designation of which essay belonged to whom was provided by Hamilton, who in the days before his ultimately fatal gun duel with Aaron Burr provided his lawyer with a list detailing the author of each number. This list credited Hamilton with a full sixty-three of the essays (three of those being jointly written with Madison), almost three quarters of the whole, and was used as the basis for an 1810 printing that was the first to make specific attribution for the essays.[16]

Madison did not immediately dispute Hamilton's list, but provided his own list for the 1818 Gideon edition of The Federalist. Madison claimed twenty-nine numbers for himself, and he suggested that the difference between the two lists was "owing doubtless to the hurry in which [Hamilton's] memorandum was made out." A known error in Hamilton's list—Hamilton incorrectly ascribed No. 54 to John Jay, when in fact Jay wrote No. 64—has provided some evidence for Madison's suggestion.[17]

Statistical analysis has been undertaken on several occasions to try to decide the authorship question based on word frequencies and writing styles. Nearly all of the statistical studies show that all twelve disputed papers were written by Madison.[18][19]

 

 

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David Atchison**
Democratic Party

Zachary Taylor
Whig Party

Millard Fillmore
Whig Party

Franklin Pierce
Democratic Party

James Buchanan
Democratic Party


Abraham Lincoln 
Republican Party

Jefferson Davis***
Democratic Party

Andrew Johnson
Republican Party

Ulysses S. Grant 
Republican Party

Rutherford B. Hayes
Republican Party

James A. Garfield
Republican Party

Chester Arthur 
Republican Party

Grover Cleveland
Democratic Party

Benjamin Harrison
Republican Party

Grover Cleveland 
Democratic Party

William McKinley
Republican Party

Theodore Roosevelt
Republican Party

William H. Taft 
Republican Party

Woodrow Wilson
Democratic Party

Warren G. Harding 
Republican Party

Calvin Coolidge
Republican Party

Herbert C. Hoover
Republican Party

Franklin D. Roosevelt
Democratic Party

Harry S. Truman
Democratic Party

Dwight D. Eisenhower
Republican Party

John F. Kennedy
Democratic Party

Lyndon B. Johnson 
Democratic Party 

Richard M. Nixon 
Republican Party

Gerald R. Ford 
Republican Party

James Earl Carter, Jr. 
Democratic Party

Ronald Wilson Reagan 
Republican Party

George H. W. Bush
Republican Party 

William Jefferson Clinton
Democratic Party

George W. Bush 
Republican Party

Barack H. Obama
Democratic Party

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